Voice and accountability

Deepening democracy

Many experts believe that greater citizen participation in decision making will result in pro-poor policies that reflect the needs and interests of the poor.  Many development interventions focus on creating new spaces for the active participation of citizens in the decision-making process. Creating new spaces for participation does not guarantee the representation of diverse and marginalised voices, however, as these spaces can exclude portions of  the population and be prone to elite capture. There is much debate around how to engage all citizens in more meaningful participation in the political process, a process often referred to as ‘deepening democracy’.

Page contents:

• Approaches to deepening democracy
• Citizenship, rights and participation
• Power and representation
• Conflict, power and accountability
• Accountability and responsiveness of the state, donors and civil society

Approaches to deepening democracy

The ‘deepening democracy’ debate has evolved from discussing whether and how citizens should engage in the political process, to analysing how to ensure inclusiveness of participation and deepen citizen engagement in decision-making processes.

Gaventa, J., 2006, ‘Triumph, Deficit or Contestation: Deepening the “Deepening Democracy” Debate’, IDS Working Paper 264, Institute of Development Studies, Brighton
What are the strengths and weaknesses of current approaches to democracy? What challenges exist in efforts to promote “deeper” democracy? This working paper from the Institute of Development Studies surveys current debates about democracy, covering four main strands: “civil society” democracy, participatory democracy, deliberative democracy and empowered participatory governance. It argues that democracy is an ongoing process of contestation, rather than a set of standardised institutional designs: approaches to democracy should combine a range of democratic models.
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Some theorists emphasise inclusion through participation in the democratic process, while others focus more on the quality of the dialogue that occurs between citizens and public actors.

Ackerman, J., 2003, ‘Co-governance for Accountability: Beyond “Exit” and “Voice”’, University of California, Santa Cruz
How can government accountability be improved through a combined strengthening of civic participation and state engagement? This paper from World Development surveys various accountability strategies, focusing on “co-governance for accountability” programmes in Brazil, Mexico, the US and India. It argues that, by giving social actors direct access to state institutions, these projects’ approaches have achieved significant pro-accountability success. Co-governance is the best way to tap in to the energy of society.
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Quality dialogue with the state depends on citizens having sufficient knowledge and interest about the issues being discussed, but on any issue the number of individuals with such knowledge is usually small. Improving the quality of dialogue may limit participation, while expanding participation may diminish quality. Achieving both participation and quality dialogue can be difficult, and may involve trade-offs. 

Cohen, J. and Fung, A., 2004, ‘Radical Democracy’, Swiss Political Science Review, Vol. 10, No. 4, Pp. 23-34
Concerns about the regulatory capacities of national governments and the capacity of conventional democracies to engage the energies of ordinary citizens have recently given rise to radical-democratic ideas. Radical democracy advocates two strands of political engagement: participation and deliberation. What is the relationship between these two strands? Can radical democracy address the limitations of competitive representation? This article from Swiss Political Science Review addresses these questions, concluding that there are some tensions and difficulties within these concepts that must be resolved in order to advance a radical-democratic project.
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Citizenship, rights and participation

Participation is linked with citizenship, which implies certain social and political rights and duties. Rights-based approaches (RBAs) are popular and emphasise that every citizen has an inherent right to engage in the decision-making processes that affect their lives.

Miller, V., VeneKlasen, L., and Clark., C., 2005, ‘Rights-based Development: Linking Rights and Participation – Challenges in Thinking and Action’, IDS Bulletin Vol. 36, No. 1, Pp. 31-40
The growing interest in pursuing rights-based approaches to development raises questions about how these two broad traditions - human rights and development - can best work together in practice. This article from a joint 7-country action research initiative carried out by the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) and Just Associates, outlines the challenges and opportunities of this emerging trend.
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Chapman, J. et al, 2005, ‘Rights-based Development: The Challenge of Change and Power’, Global Poverty Research Group
What are the implications of integrating rights into development work? This paper from the Global Poverty Research Group (GPRG) draws on case study material from ActionAid International (AAI) to explore the benefits and challenges of a rights-based approach for strengthening the voice and power of marginalised sectors of society. 
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The case study of Brazil is an interesting one to study citizenship, rights and innovations in participatory governance.

Cornwall, A., Romano, J. and Shankland, A., 2008, ‘Brazilian Experiences of Participation and Citizenship: A Critical Look’, IDS Discussion Paper 389
What lessons does Brazil offer for democratisation in other countries? This study from the Institute of Development Studies looks at the meanings and practices of participation and citizenship in the north and north east of Brazil. Participatory budgeting, sectoral policy councils and conferences at each tier of government have provided spaces for new meanings and expressions of citizenship and democracy. These innovations may offer lessons on the pre-conditions for effective participatory governance as well as on institutional design.
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Ideas about universal citizenship ignore the reality of unequal power, which can exclude people on the basis of race, class, ethnicity and gender. For example, ‘community’ participation often translates into ‘male’ participation, excluding women from key decision-making processes. Even the idea of a male consensus is misleading, and inevitably reflects the interests of particular group of men, since men do not have one set of needs, interests and concerns.

UNIFEM, 2008, 'Chapter 1: Who Answers to Women?', in Progress of the World’s Women 2008/9: Who Answers to Women? Gender and Accountability’, UNIFEM, New York
How can accountability systems become more gender-responsive? This introductory chapter of a study from UNIFEM examines how women, including the most excluded women, are strengthening their capacity to identify accountability gaps and call for redress. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and other international commitments to women will only be met if gender-responsive accountability systems are put in place both nationally and internationally.
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UNIFEM, 2008, ‘Chapter 2: Politics', in Progress of the World’s Women 2008/9: Who Answers to Women? Gender and Accountability’, UNIFEM, New York
What progress have states made toward increasing political accountability to women and how can that progress be accelerated? This book chapter from UNIFEM argues that increased political accountability to women comes not only from increasing their numbers amongst decision-makers; it must be linked to improved democratic governance overall. While accountability to women is now very much on the agenda of governments around the world, greater efforts are needed to ensure that women are engaged as equal participants in the inclusive, responsive, and accountable management of public affairs.
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Kabeer, N., 2005, ‘The Search for Inclusive Citizenship: Meanings and Expressions in an Interconnected World’, in Kabeer, N. (ed), Volume 1: Inclusive Citizenship – Meanings and Expressions, IDS Series on Claiming Citizenship: Rights, Participation and Accountability, Brighton
What does ‘citizenship’ mean for excluded groups around the world? What do these meanings tell us about the goal of building inclusive societies? This introductory chapter from ‘Inclusive Citizenship: Meanings and Expressions’ outlines some of the values and meanings associated with citizenship. It considers how debates around citizenship, rights and duties can be interpreted in the light of these values, and discusses the emergence of an explicit rights-based approach in the development agenda.
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Mukhopadhyay, M and Meer, S., 2004, 'Creating Voice and Carving Space: Redefining Governance from a Gender Perspective', Royal Tropical Institute, Amsterdam
How have approaches to improving governance addressed the question of gender inequality? This book from the Royal Tropical Institute (KIT) explores what good governance and citizenship means for poor women who belong to groups excluded from power, resources and decision-making. Based on action research projects by sixteen organisations in eight different country contexts it analyses how women can stake their claim to participation in governance, and make institutions accountable to their interests and rights.
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Power and representation

The creation of new spaces for public participation is intended to enable more direct forms of citizen engagement in policy making.  However, simply creating new spaces for participation will not guarantee greater inclusion or enable the most marginalised segments of the population to articulate their voices and demand accountability. The outcomes of participatory approaches are affected by power and power relations which create inequality.

Mosse, D., 2004, ‘Power Relations and Poverty Reduction’, in R Alsop (ed) Power, Rights and Poverty: Concepts and Connections, The World Bank, Washington D.C., pp.51-67
The concept of power is central to social science, but receives relatively little attention in development policy analysis. This paper presented at a joint World Bank/DFID workshop argues that power inequalities have a significant impact on the achievement of poverty reduction goals. Examples from DFID partner states in India show that the politicisation of poverty is necessary for the empowerment of the poor. Formal decentralisation may fail to challenge informal power relations and be ineffective in addressing the needs of the poor.
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Even within social movements intended to benefit the poor, uneven power relations can be replicated at the local level, resulting in the exclusion of the most marginalized citizens.

Waldman, L., 2005, ‘When Social Movements Bypass the Poor: Asbestos pollution, International Litigation and Griqua Cultural Identity’, IDS Working Paper 246, Institute of Development Studies Brighton
Why was a successful legal case against a British asbestos mining company regarded by many of its South African claimants as a defeat? This paper from the Institute of Development Studies explores the divergent interpretations of the case, focusing on two towns in the Northern Cape: Prieska and Griquatown. Ultimately, Griquatown's geographical marginalisation from the process led residents to perceive the case in local religious and cultural terms rather than in international justice terms.     
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Power needs to be understood in relation to how spaces of engagement are created, the levels of power within these and different forms of power across them.

Gaventa, J., 2006, ‘Finding the Spaces for Change: A Power Analysis’, IDS Bulletin, Vol. 37, No. 6, Pp.23-33
Development actors are increasingly aware of the need to understand and engage with power relations as a means of promoting pro-poor change. So where should they target their efforts and which strategies should they use? This article from the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) explores one approach to power analysis, known as the ‘power cube’. If the development community wants to change power relationships to make them more inclusive, it must reflect on power relationships in all of its dimensions. The power cube may represent the first step in making power’s most hidden and invisible forms more visible.
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It is essential to consider who participates, on what basis and whose interests they represent.

Lavalle, A.G., Houtzager, P., and Castello, G., 2005, ‘In Whose Name? Political Representation and Civil Organisations in Brazil’, IDS Working Paper 249, Institute of Development Studies, Brighton
Civil organisations (COs) have become representatives of particular segments of the population in design, implementation and monitoring of public policy. But who are they representing, and how is this representation constructed? This Institute of Development Studies working paper examines the dilemma of how an organisation engaged in representational activities establishes that representativeness: Elections, membership, or something else? Findings from a survey of COs in São Paulo, Brazil, demonstrate that their representative function is principally one of mediation between the poorly or under-represented, and the State.
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Even where the opportunities to engage exist, certain policy decisions may be off limits to the ordinary citizen due to structural barriers, cultural barriers, fear, dependency relations or lack of self-confidence. Women are often excluded on the basis of these barriers.

Clisby, S., 2005, ‘Gender Mainstreaming or Just More Male-streaming? Experiences of popular participation in Bolivia’, Oxfam
The Law of Popular Participation (LPP) in Bolivia represents the first significant attempt by policy makers in the region to mainstream gender into a national development initiative. The LPP aims to increase the prominence of women in local politics and development spheres. But has it in fact had the effect of displacing women from their traditional forms of political activism?  This paper from Oxfam examines how a lack of effective, systematic gendered analysis of structural barriers to women's participation and inadequate capacity building have impacted on the achievement of the LPP's intended goal.
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Simply getting female (or other marginalised) bodies into existing political structures and formal institutions does not guarantee space for meaningful participation in politics. Achieving true participation may require changing political systems to make them genuinely inclusive.

Cornwall, A. and Goetz, A.M., 2005, ‘Democratising Democracy: Feminist Perspectives’, Democratisation, Vol. 12, No. 5, Pp. 783-800
Increasing numbers of women have gained entry to formal political spaces. To what extent has this translated into their political influence, or into gains in policies that redress gendered inequities and inequalities? This article, from Democratization, explores the factors that affect and enable women’s political effectiveness in different democratic arenas. It argues that women’s political interests are not necessarily influenced by sex, but by their  “political apprenticeship”, or pathway into politics. To enhance the potential of women’s political participation, democracy itself must be democratized; including building new pathways into politics.
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Conflict, power and accountability

Meaningful participation in countries affected by violence and conflict can be challenging.  However, the post-conflict environment frequently offers opportunities for civil society organisations and the state to strengthen citizenship and build rights-based societies.

Pearce, J., 2007, ‘Violence, Power and Participation: Building Citizenship in Contexts of Chronic Violence’, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton
Can civil society organisations play a role in building citizenship and confronting violent actors and acts of violence? This Institute of Development Studies Working Paper argues that they can, and explores civil society participation in Colombia and Gutamela. Building citizenship in chronic violence contexts requires simultaneous attention to citizenship and to violence, and it is also important to clarify the relationship between power and violence.
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In post-conflict contexts local level accountability is often the key to rebuilding trust within and between communities, as well as ensuing the restoration and delivery of effective services in accordance with the wishes of citizens.

Galtung, F., and Tisné, M., 2009, ‘A New Approach to Post-Conflict Reconstruction’, Journal of Democracy, Vol. 20, Issue 4, pp. 93-107.
How can post-war reconstruction support democratisation and prevent the early entrenchment of corruption? This study examines democracy assistance in eight countries recovering from war: Afghanistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Lebanon, Mozambique, the Palestinian Authority, Sierra Leone and Timor-Leste. It argues that citizens need to be involved in the allocation of the public resources that affect their lives. Community-driven accountability can stem corruption and re-engage people in the democratic process. Such measures can begin in the earliest post-war stages, building on local skills and resources.
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Broadbent, E.J., and Kamara, A., 2009, ‘The Grass of the Rich? Integrity and Post-war Reconstruction in Sierra Leone’, Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, Freetown.
How can corruption and lack of transparency and accountability be addressed in reconstruction projects? These problems have severely constrained the rebuilding of Sierra Leone’s infrastructure, but neither the channels nor the incentives exist for community members to challenge such practices. This report reviews a Community Oversight Monitoring project (2008-2009), which identified delays in project completion, sub-standard work; and widespread theft of materials. Underlying contributing factors are patronage politics, institutional weakness and a lack of political will to investigate, redress and prevent such problems. Lack of civil society participation, oversight, awareness and consultation entrenches and is perpetuated by these political and institutional factors.
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Accountability and responsiveness of the state, donors and civil society

Efforts to strengthen voice and participation need to be accompanied by state mechanisms to ensure accountability and responsiveness. Accountability mechanisms can be formal top-down processes (e.g., elections, hearings, consultations) or bottom-up strategies (e.g., citizen juries, popular protests, participatory budgeting).

The ability to demand accountability and the capacity and willingness to respond to calls for accountability assumes relations of power between the state, civil society and market actors.

Lindberg, S., 2009, ‘Accountability: The Core Concept and its Subtypes’, Africa Power and Politics Programme Working Paper no.1, Overseas Development Institute, London
The concept of accountability has become increasingly popular in diverse fields including development policy. This working paper from the Overseas Development Institute argues that new meanings and dimensions risk diluting its content and creating conceptual confusion - with significant implications for empirical analysis. A classic approach to concept formation is required, which suggests that accountability refers to a class of concepts under the category ‘methods of limiting power’. It is important to distinguish between accountability and responsiveness.
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Newell, P. and Wheeler, J., 2006, ‘Taking Accountability into Account’, in Rights, Resources and the Politics of Accountability, Zed Books, London
It is widely assumed that a notion of accountability is crucial for ensuring that political and business actors respond to the needs of poor people. This chapter from Rights, Resources and the Politics of Accountability explores the relationship between power and accountability. The changing relations between state, civil society and market actors both create and restrict new forms of accountability as new power dynamics evolve.
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Blunt, P., 2009, ‘The Political Economy of Accountability in Timor-Leste: Implications for Public Policy’, Public Administration and Development, Volume 29, pp. 89–100
What conditions facilitate corruption in Timor-Leste and what measures should be taken to address it? This article from Public Administration and Development examines the social, economic, political and governance context of Timor-Leste and suggests that it is conducive to state capture and systemic grand and petty corruption. It is also resistant to conventional short-term technocratic anticorruption remedies. Anticorruption progress is a long-term endeavour that requires sustained impartial service delivery, the emergence of leaders of integrity and a middle class, and the establishment of the rule of law.
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Accountability is not limited to the state. One of the most complex challenges facing civil society organisations is the question of their legitimacy as social and political actors and their accountability to key stakeholders.

Jagadanda and Brown, L.D., 2005, ‘Civil Society Legitimacy and Accountability: Issues and Challenges’, paper prepared for the Program on Civil Society Legitimacy and Accountability of CIVICUS and the Hauser Center.
What are the challenges to the legitimacy and accountability of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) and how can these be addressed? This draft scoping report from the World Alliance for Citizen Participation (CIVICUS) and the Hauser Center for Nonprofit Organizations analyses existing systems and practices for responding to these challenges. It suggests steps for developing systems to enhance the legitimacy and accountability of CSOs and multi-organisation domains.
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There are no direct accountability mechanisms for holding donors to account, although the need for downwards accountability of donors and other international development organisations is becoming increasingly acknowledged.

Eyben, R. and Ferguson, C., 2005, ‘How Can Donors Become More Accountable to Poor People?’, in L. Groves and R. Hinton, Inclusive Aid: Changing Power and Relationships in International Development, Earthscan, London
How Can Donors Become More Accountable to Poor People? This chapter from 'Inclusive Aid: Changing Power and Relationships in International Development' explores the new pressures placed on stakeholders who have begun to adopt a rights-based approach to accountability in terms of power, procedures and relationships. Although highly problematic, this process is a positive step towards Northern governments being prepared to be held accountable by poor people in the South.
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Hayes, L. And Pereira, J., 2008, ‘Turning the Tables: Aid and Accountability under the Paris Framework’, European Network on Debt and Development (Eurodad)
Have donors lived up to their pledges under the Paris Declaration? Is aid becoming more effective and accountable for impoverished people? This report for the European Network on Debt and Development (Eurodad) focuses on progress against two principles of the Paris Declaration, ownership and accountability, in Cambodia, Honduras, Mali, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Niger, and Sierra Leone. The report concentrates on the responsibilities of donors in making their aid money work better for poor people.
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