Social exclusion

Important aspects of social exclusion

Page contents

The conceptual links between ‘exclusion’ and ‘poverty’
The links between exclusion and inequality
The underlying causes of conflict
Globalisation and social exclusion

The conceptual links between exclusion and poverty

People who are socially excluded are generally also poor, particularly if poverty is defined in a multidimensional way. There are, however, several key differences between the concepts of poverty and social exclusion: (i) the majority of people in a society may be poor, (i.e. suffer from adverse incorporation) but it does not make sense to say that the majority are excluded; (ii) in most cases social exclusion implies inequality or relative deprivation, whereas poverty need not; (iii) social exclusion implies that there are processes of exclusion and institutional processes and actors responsible for excluding, whereas poverty does not.

Stewart, F. et al., 2007, ‘Alternative Realities? Different Concepts of Poverty, their Empirical Consequences and Policy Implications’ in Stewart, F., Saith, R. and Harriss-White, B., ‘Defining Poverty in the Developing World’, Palgrave Macmillan
What are the implications of alternative definitions of poverty? Do different approaches identify different people as poor? This chapter considers the implications of four approaches to measuring poverty – monetary, capabilities, social exclusion and participatory methods – through a theoretical review and empirical research in India and Peru. There is a lack of overlap empirically between the people identified as poor according to the different approaches to poverty, and this means that policies targeted according to one type of poverty will not reach people affected by other types.
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Silver, H., 2007, ‘The Process of Social Exclusion: The Dynamics of an Evolving Concept’, Chronic Poverty Research Centre, Manchester
What is social exclusion and is it a more useful concept for tackling disadvantage than poverty? This paper documents some of the mechanisms of individuals’ downward spiral, with the accumulation of dimensions of exclusion. The study of social exclusion aims to transcend poverty’s narrow focus on monetary or material resource distribution. Exclusion as a process of progressive social rupture is a more comprehensive and complex conceptualisation of social disadvantage.
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Bird K., 2007, 'The Intergenerational Transmission of Poverty: An Overview', Overseas Development Institute, London, and the Chronic Poverty Research Centre, Manchester
Poverty is not transferred as a ‘package’, but as a complex set of positive and negative factors that affect an individual’s chances of experiencing poverty, either in the present or at a future point in their life. The factors influencing an individual’s likelihood of being poor include both the ‘private’ transmission (or lack of transmission) of capital and the ‘public’ transfer (or lack of transfer) of resources from one generation to the next. These can be positive or negative. The livelihoods framework is used to explore how the vulnerability and policy context influences individual and household level asset holdings and how capabilities, agency, perception of risk and levels of vulnerability and resilience combine with contextual and structural factors to influence individual and household responses to shocks and opportunities during the life course.
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The following paper makes a case for the rescue of ‘exclusion’ from the poverty debate. In a discussion which focuses on the ways in which policymakers in India have attempted to include typically excluded ‘Scheduled’ castes and tribes, the author argues that such designations have actually served to distract from the context and nature of exclusion, as well as the many forms of discrimination that various groups suffer.

de Haan, A., 2011, 'Rescuing Exclusion from the Poverty Debate: Group Disparities and Social Transformation in India', Working Paper No. 517, International Institute of Social Studies, The Hague
This paper examines how India's Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes categories are applied in poverty analysis and social policy, including in India's targeted poverty programmes and BPL (Below Poverty Line) Census. It finds that, while Indian poverty debates highlight the severe inequalities between social groups, they pay insufficient attention to the nature of exclusion. In some respects, support to deprived groups has led to the opposite of what progressive legislators intended and has made social identities more deeply entrenched in political frameworks.
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The links between exclusion and inequality

The concepts of social exclusion and inequality are closely linked. Unequal societies in which certain groups are discriminated against can lead to exclusion. Likewise, social exclusion involves inequality. Unlike vertical inequalities, which focus on individuals, horizontal inequalities concern inequalities between groups, as does social exclusion. Both horizontal inequalities and social exclusion are multidimensional, encompassing social, economic and political forms of exclusion. However, horizontal inequalities are not always severe enough to lead to a situation defined as social exclusion.

Policies and initiatives to reduce horizontal inequalities and social exclusion can be quite similar; both take a multidimensional approach and generally target groups rather than individuals. Both are also concerned with the responsibility of richer groups in bringing about social exclusion/horizontal inequality, and are conscious of the need to address policies towards richer as well as poorer people to reduce social exclusion/horizontal inequality.

The social exclusion discourse in Latin America, for example, emerged partly as a result of widespread recognition of the high levels of inequality throughout the region. In sub-Saharan Africa, debates on poverty reduction are increasingly focused on inequality, providing entry points for social exclusion to be addressed.

Stewart, F., 2004, 'Horizontal Inequalities: A Neglected Dimension of Development', Working Paper No. 1, Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security, and Ethnicity (CRISE), Oxford
Why are groups important for individual welfare and social stability? When and how do horizontal inequalities lead to conflict? Current thinking about development places individuals firmly at the centre of concern for analysis and policy. Attention is focussed on inequality between individuals. This paper explores why groups are important for individual welfare and social stability, and argues that inequalities between culturally formed groups (horizontal inequalities) are an important but neglected dimension of development.
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United Nations Development Programme, 2005, 'Inequality and Human Development', in Human Development Report 2005: International Co-operation at a Crossroads - Aid, Trade and Security in an Unequal World, UNDP, New York, ch. 2
Does inequality matter? This chapter sets out the reasons why inequality is important and looks at its different dimensions. It shows how interlocking inequalities in income, health and education disadvantage the poor and argues that even modest moves towards greater distributional equity could advance human development and accelerate progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
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Okojie, K., and Shimeles, A., 2006, 'Inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Synthesis of Recent Research on the Levels, Trends, Effects and Determinants of Inequality in its Different Dimensions', Overseas Development Institute, London
How should researchers monitor the various forms of inequality in sub-Saharan Africa? What steps should policymakers take to reduce this inequality? This paper surveys empirical studies of poverty in an attempt to establish the levels, consequences, current trends and determinants of inequality in the region. It argues that educational reforms, infrastructure development and demographic change can reduce income inequality, and that promoting equality and economic growth can together lower poverty levels.
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The underlying causes of conflict

There are close links between social exclusion and conflict and insecurity, both in terms of causes and consequences. There are now convincing arguments that some forms of social exclusion generate the conditions in which conflict can arise. This can range from civil unrest to violent armed conflict and terrorist activity. Severely disadvantaged groups with shared characteristics (such as ethnicity or religion) may resort to violent conflict in order to claim their rights and redress inequalities. Group differences are not enough in themselves to cause conflict, but social exclusion and horizontal inequalities provide fertile ground for violent mobilisation. Hence, the concept of social exclusion can help in conflict resolution because it identifies some of the causes of conflict. By analysing why some societies with sharp horizontal inequalities suffer conflict and others do not, it has become evident that conflict occurs most frequently when socio-economic and political horizontal inequalities are combined. Becoming aware of exclusion and inequality, therefore, can be an essential first step for international development practitioners in contributing to conflict prevention and resolution in fragile states.

The following three papers examine the concept of horizontal inequalities and their impact on development and social stability.

Stewart, F., Brown, G, K. and Langer, A., 2008, ‘Major Findings and Conclusions on the Relationship between Horizontal Inequalities and Conflict’, in ‘Horizontal Inequalities and Conflict: Understanding Group Violence in Multiethnic Societies’, Palgrave Macmillan
What are the links between horizontal inequalities (HIs) and conflict? This chapter summarises findings from case studies plus more global analyses. Severe HIs are particularly likely to be a source of conflict when they are consistent across socioeconomic, cultural and political dimensions. While socioeconomic HIs generate fertile ground for conflict and cultural status inequalities bind groups together, political HIs provide incentives for leaders to mobilise people for rebellion.
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Kanbur, R. 2007, ‘Poverty and Conflict: The Inequality Link’, International Peace Academy, New York
How do poverty and inequality causally interact with conflict? While there is a general view that poverty and inequality can lead to conflict, the nature of the links are less well appreciated. This paper draws out the links based on the recent economics literature and discusses their implications for policy. While inequality is a natural concomitant of economic processes, particularly those driven by the market, its implications for security emerge when unequal outcomes align with socio-political cleavages.
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Østby, G., 2008, ‘Horizontal Inequalities, Political Environment and Civil Conflict: Evidence From 55 Developing Countries’, in ‘Horizontal Inequalities and Conflict: Understanding Group Violence in Multiethnic Societies’, Palgrave Macmillan
To what extent do horizontal inequalities contribute to the onset of conflict? Are they particularly conflict provoking under certain political conditions? This study measures the impact of the political environment in 55 developing countries on the relationship between socioeconomic horizontal inequalities and civil conflict onset. It finds that horizontal inequalities are particularly inflammatory in democratic regimes with inclusive electoral systems. The study concludes that, in order to ensure peace, developing countries need governments that are both politically and economically inclusive.
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An earlier version of this text is available online:

Østby, G., 2006, ‘Horizontal Inequalities, Political Environment and Civil Conflict: Evidence From 55 Developing Countries’, CRISE, Oxford
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A particular issue in fragile or failed states is seen by political scientists as the lack of a ‘social contract’ between the state, incumbent elite groups and ethnic communities. This leads to political fragmentation, which is further exacerbated by the convergence of various social, ethnic and resource exploitation-related issues.

Douma, P., 2006, ‘Poverty, Relative Deprivation and Political Exclusion as Drivers of Violent Conflict in Sub Saharan Africa’, Journal on Science and World Affairs, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 59-69
How can states in sub-Saharan Africa better provide for the needs of their populations and reduce inter-group violence? This article examines poverty and conflict escalation in Niger and Senegal. The partiality of some state policies regarding resource distribution promotes inter-group inequality and contributes to violence. The incumbent state elite should adopt a long-term perspective based on cross-group solidarity.
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Recent research has also shown that the inclusiveness of ‘political settlements, i.e. those agreements through which key actors – usually elites – organise and share political power in society, can have an important effect on mitigating the potential for political instability and violent conflict.

Lindemann S., 2008, 'Do Inclusive Elite Bargains Matter? A Research Framework for Understanding the Causes of Civil War in Sub-Saharan Africa', Discussion Paper 15, Crisis States Research Centre, LSE, London
Sub-Saharan Africa is the world’s most conflict-intensive region. But why have some African states experienced civil war, while others have managed to maintain political stability? This paper argues that the ability of post-colonial states in Sub-Saharan Africa to maintain political stability depends on the ability of the ruling political parties to overcome the historical legacy of social fragmentation. Creating inclusive elite bargains can bring stability while exclusionary elite bargains give rise to trajectories of civil war.
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For further resources on political settlements and state legitimacy, see the GSDRC Fragile States guide.

Horizontal inequalities can be based on both real and imagined differences. These differences can be exploited by faction leaders in order to exercise and maintain power.

Langer, A., Ukiwo, U., 2007, ‘Ethnicity, Religion and the State in Ghana and Nigeria: Perceptions from the Street’, CRISE Working Paper No. 34, Oxford
What can social surveys tell us about perceptions of ethnicity, religion and the state in Ghana and Nigeria? This paper analyses survey data on how people see their own identities and their perceptions of the domination of state institutions by particular ethnic or religious groups. The data show quite marked differences in comparative perceptions of identities and of perceptions of the state in both countries. These differences may help to explain why Nigeria has been more prone to violent conflict than Ghana.
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For further resources on the links between exclusion and conflict, see the GSDRC Conflict guide.

Social exclusion as a consequence of conflict

As well as being a common cause of conflict, social exclusion can also occur as a result of conflict. Pervasive conflict can marginalise whole societies, and is a major cause of refugees who then become excluded in the place or country to which they move.

Halabi, Z., 2004, ‘Exclusion and Identity in Lebanon’s Palestinian Refugee Camps: a Story of Sustained Conflict’, Environment and Urbanization, Volume 16, Number 2, pp. 39-48
This paper describes the events that have taken place over the last 50 years since the establishment of the first Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon, and the relationship between these events and the endemic inter-communal violence within these camps. It explains the exclusionist policies of the Lebanese state and the resulting levels of tension and conflict that have undermined peace processes and social reconciliation following the Lebanese civil war. A case study of one camp, Chatila, illustrates how these realities play out in the daily lives of Palestinian refugees and other residents within the camp, stimulating conflicts over identity and continuing hostility.
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Certain groups, such as women, can often become further marginalised by conflict. While conflict can create space for women to take on new roles, it can also create new vulnerabilities. Today’s conflicts are accompanied by widespread sexual violence against women and girls. In the aftermath, they can often suffer social stigmatisation as a result of rape, injury or HIV infection sustained during war. Security issues in the post-conflict phase can also hinder women and girls’ access to services. When schools are destroyed and children have to travel long distances, for example, girls are more likely to stay at home in order to avoid the increased risk of abduction, sexual violence and exploitation. Certain sub-groups of women can also become particularly vulnerable as a result of conflict and are frequently invisible in post-conflict peace processes – these are young women, female-headed households, widows, and women from already marginalised groups.

Fraser, E., 2009, ‘The Impact of Conflict on Women’s Voice and Participation’, Helpdesk Research Report, GSDRC, Birmingham
Although conflict can reduce the voice of less powerful groups (including women), there are also opportunities for these groups to contest well-established social structures and divisions, and for new, non-traditional leaders to emerge. Women assume varied roles during armed conflict, as victims, perpetrators and peace activists. There are sub-groups of women who may be particularly vulnerable as a result of conflict and are frequently invisible in post-conflict peace processes and community-driven development, for example young women, female-headed households, widows, and women from marginalised groups. However, women are not necessarily the only, or even the most, excluded group in a given society. Furthermore, female participation does not necessarily lead to positive outcomes for women. Not all women have equal voices or the same vested interests; other issues of identity, such as ethnicity, religion, and age can be equally important.
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McDevitt, A., 2009, ‘The Impact of Conflict on Women’s Education, Employment and Health Care’, Helpdesk Research Report, GSDRC, Birmingham
The extent to which conflict restricts women’s freedom of movement depends on a number of factors including the stage of conflict, whether the women are displaced, whether they are directly or indirectly affected by the conflict, and the cultural norms of the conflict-affected area. Forced displacement, for example, may in some cases lead to greater mobility, where women assume additional responsibilities such as taking on the role of primary breadwinner. Nevertheless, it is generally accepted that the fear of violence more often than not restricts women's freedom of movement. In times of political, economic and social uncertainty, there is a strong tendency to revert to traditional values which appear to offer protection for women and girls but which restrict their mobility.
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For further resources on the impact of conflict on women and girls, see the GSDRC Conflict topic guide.

Globalisation and social exclusion

Globalisation is an uneven and socially unequal process and there are concerns that global production and trading systems serve to increase poverty and inequality. The following paper highlights the ways in which the exclusionary processes associated with globalisation graft themselves onto local dynamics of social exclusion.

Beall, J., 2002, ‘Globalisation and Social Exclusion in Cities: Framing the Debate with Lessons from Africa and Asia’, Environment and Urbanization, vol. 14, no. 1, pp. 41-51
How can city governments in the developing world balance the competitive demands of an increasingly globalised economy with their growing responsibility for improving social welfare and reducing social exclusion? This paper considers these contradictory roles in the context of the debates on globalisation and social exclusion. Using case studies from South Africa and Pakistan, it illustrates how global economic trends can exacerbate existing exclusionary processes, further complicating the task of city governments stretched thin through funding reductions and decentralisation.
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Globalisation can undermine labour organisations and informal networks of solidarity, lead to the deterioration of working conditions for vast numbers of people, and widen income inequalities.

United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2003, ‘Cities and Slums Within Globalizing Economies’ in ‘The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on Human Settlements’ UN-HABITAT
How has globalisation contributed to slum formation? Trade, deregulated capital, labour markets and the withdrawal of the state have all influenced levels of poverty and inequality. This chapter argues that the insecurities created by globalisation far outweigh any benefits to poorer people. Slums are a result of urban poverty. Creating cities without slums is essentially a search for sustainable urban livelihoods.
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The vast majority of the poor in developing countries work in the informal economy, which is characterised by insecure jobs, weak representation, and a lack of labour regulation. The paper below examines the trade-offs involved in being included in the global economy - in particular, exclusion from economic security, labour rights, bargaining power, and voice.

Carr, M. and Chen, M., 2004, ‘Globalization, Social Exclusion and Work: With Special Reference to Informal Employment and Gender’, International Labour Office, Geneva
How can social exclusion in the realm of work best be tackled in the developing world? This paper considers processes of social inclusion and exclusion in relation to the employment opportunities associated with the global economy. The concept of ‘unemployment’ does not fit the reality of the developing world. However, if an understanding is reached of how social exclusion or inclusion works in different patterns of global integration, it should be possible to promote more favourable inclusion.
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Pervasive inequalities faced by groups that span national borders yet maintain a strong group identity can contribute to conflict.

Stewart, F., 2008, ‘Global Aspects and Implications of Horizontal Inequalities: Inequalities Experienced by Muslims Worldwide’, Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity (CRISE), Oxford
Are Muslims discriminated against globally as a group? This study reviews inequalities among groups (horizontal inequalities, HIs) of Muslims/non-Muslims within developed and developing countries and between Muslim and non-Muslim countries. It finds that Muslims are systematically disadvantaged across many dimensions. In countries in Europe, Asia and Africa, where Muslims are in a minority they have a worse socio-economic position than non-Muslims, less political representation and their culture is often given less respect. This is also true in comparisons of Palestine and Israel, and of Muslim countries taken as a group as against non-Muslim ones. Furthermore, inequalities faced by Muslims in one part of the world may mobilise Muslims in other parts of the world. Inequalities need to be addressed within countries and between them, both politically and in terms of socioeconomic and cultural status.
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Despite these serious problems, recent evidence from the World Bank suggests that globalisation has also brought some benefits for typically excluded groups, such as women. The authors note that the greater levels of economic integration, technological diffusion, and access to information brought about by globalisation, have ‘operated through markets, formal institutions, and informal institutions to lift some of the constraints to greater gender equality’. However, for results to be more wide-reaching and enduring, targeted public action aimed at closing remaining gender gaps is required.

World Bank, 2011, 'Globalization's Impact on Gender Equality: What's happened and what's needed', in World Development Report 2012: Gender Equality, World Bank, Washington DC, ch. 6
What impact has globalisation had on gender equality? This study examines the impacts of economic integration, technical change and access to information on gender inequality. It argues that not everyone is benefiting from globalisation. Women, for whom existing constraints are most binding, are often left behind. While the forces unleashed by globalisation have lifted some of the barriers to greater gender equality, public action is needed to lift these further. In particular, public policy needs to address gender gaps in endowments, agency, and access to economic opportunities.
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