Social exclusion

Causes and forms of social exclusion: spacial factors and migration

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Spatial factors
Migration
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Spatial factors

Spatial inequalities include disparities between rural and urban areas, and also between geographically advantaged and disadvantaged areas. Spatial disadvantage may result from the remoteness of a location which makes it physically difficult for its inhabitants to participate in broader socio-economic processes. Or it may operate through the segregation of urban environments and the ‘subcultures’ of violence, criminality, drug dependence and squalor which can often characterise urban slums and excluded neighbourhoods. In some cases, ghettos of marginalised religious or ethnic groups can form as the direct result of communal violence. In many countries, these disparities are increasing, partly as a consequence of the uneven impact of trade and globalisation. These disparities are particularly worrying where they overlap with political or ethnic divisions.

The spatial dimension of exclusion cannot be entirely separated from its resource and identity dimensions since it is usually culturally and economically marginalised groups that inhabit physically deprived spaces. Activities of economic and political importance are often concentrated in urban centres. These centres also benefit from a constant inflow of new material, and financial and human resources from the peripheries. Government policies can also be biased towards these areas. As a result of this, and the constant leakage of resources to the central regions, peripheral areas often have difficulty in self-sustaining economic development.

Kanbur, R. and Venables, A. J., 2005, ‘Spatial Inequality and Development: An Overview of UNU-WIDER project’
The UNU-Wider project on ‘Spatial disparities in development’, has analysed evidence on the extent of spatial inequalities in over 50 developing countries. The research finds that spatial inequalities are high, with disparities between rural and urban areas, and also between geographically advantaged and disadvantaged regions. In many countries such disparities are increasing, partly as a consequence of the uneven impact of trade openness and globalization. While there are efficiency gains from the concentration of economic activity in urban centers and in coastal districts, the associated regional inequalities are a major contributor to overall inequality. They are particularly worrying if they align with political or ethnic divisions. The broad outline of appropriate policy for managing high and rising spatial disparities is also clear. The case for policy interventions to ensure a more spatially equitable allocation of infrastructure and public services, and for policies to ensure freer migration, has been made powerfully in the papers in this project.
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Fischer, A. M., 2005, ‘Introduction’ in ‘State Growth and Social Exclusion in Tibet: The Challenges of Recent Economic Growth’, Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, Copenhagen
How has economic growth and transformation in China influenced structural marginality in Tibetan areas? This book uses a macro socio-economic perspective to trace how economic growth and transformation interact with social change and population transitions in the Tibetan areas, and how these processes influence the emergence or exacerbation of structural marginality and social exclusion. It argues that the most pressing economic issues facing the Tibetan regions relate to the socio-economic marginalisation of the majority of Tibetans from rapid state-led growth.
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Higgins, K., Bird, K., and Harris, D., 2010, 'Policy Responses to the Spatial Dimensions of Poverty', Working Paper, Overseas Development Institute and the Chronic Poverty Research Centre, London / Manchester
How should public policy address the spatial dimensions of poverty? This paper reviews policy documents and eight country cases to identify how the spatial dimensions of poverty are reflected in development policies. Lessons include the need to: 1) balance universalism and targeting; 2) manage the form and processes of integration in the economy; 3) use both short-term and longer-term policies; and 4) respond to different scales and settings of spatial poverty traps.
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Often, vulnerable groups can become concentrated in areas of low investment, poor land and lack of opportunities. These areas include slums, which often lack health and education services, as well as infrastructure. Not only do slums house vulnerable people, they are also inherently vulnerable places.

Kruijt, D., 2008, ‘Divided Cities: Urban Informality, Exclusion and Violence’, in ‘Sourcebook: A Rich Menu for the Poor’, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Netherlands
What are the consequences of the developing world’s rapid urbanisation and how can these impacts be addressed? This chapter reviews the expected trends in the rapid growth of cities in the developing world, revealing the emerging political importance of urban poverty. Focusing on informalisation, social exclusion, and violence, it explores the concept of divided cities. Greater attention is needed from donors to alleviate the destructive social pressures building in urban areas.
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United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2003, ‘Chapter 2: Urbanization Trends and Forces Shaping Slums’, in ‘The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on Human Settlements’ UN-HABITAT
Why do cities take certain forms and the poor congregate in particular locations? How do macro or external forces act on the cities responsible for slum formation? This paper examines urbanisation trends and the forces that shape slums. It is argued the internal spatial organisation of cities can be seen as ‘ecological’ competition, with the strongest groups taking the more desirable land.
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Khan, S., 2009, 'Urbanisation and Urban Poverty in Bangladesh', Helpdesk Research Report, GSDRC, Birmingham
Access to housing and security of tenure is a key issue for the urban poor of Bangladesh. Often they are forced to settle in informal settlements on marginal lands where they fall prey to mastaans, or middle men, who charge extortionate rents for land and services and often use coercive methods. These settlements often have little or no access to basic services such as water and electricity, and what access is provided tends to be stretched far beyond capacity. They are particularly vulnerable during monsoon rains. The inhabitants also live under the constant threat of eviction. The urban poor also tend to work informally, with low wages and lack of job security, contributing to the prevalence of child labour. Rates of unemployment are often quite low in urban areas, but this tends to mask high levels of underemployment.
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Chandhoke, N., 2010,'Some Reflections on the Notion of an 'Inclusive Political Pact': A Perspective from Ahmedabad’, Working Paper No. 71, Crisis States Research Centre, London
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Migration

Migration can act both as a way of moving out of poverty, and a cause of social exclusion. For example, foreign remittances can help receiving households to increase their income and consumption levels, as well as their capabilities to face socioeconomic shocks. However, rural-urban migrants for example, often do not benefit from the same political, social and economic rights as other urban citizens. They often find themselves in insecure, low-paid jobs, or become concentrated in vulnerable areas such as slums and deprived housing estates, with high levels of criminality and violence.

Similar conditions can also sometimes affect foreign immigrants or refugee groups, generating mutual mistrust and resentment. 'Host'-immigrant tensions can be increased by perceptions of religious, ethnic or cultural ‘otherness’ that can sharpen social divisions and potentially contribute to conflict. (However, findings from West Africa suggest that cultural similarities between immigrants and host populations can actually worsen immigrant-host relations.)

Where policy directly or indirectly discriminates against migrant and immigrant populations – through, for instance, the targeting of immigrants by law enforcement in the first case, or the failure to provide language assistance to foreign migrants in the second – this process may become cyclical, with structural exclusion driving low educational attainment, low employment, vulnerability to crime and consequent community tensions. There are thus fears that the exclusion of migrants can pose a threat to stability.

Adida, C. L., 2011, 'Too Close for Comfort? Immigrant Exclusion in Africa', Comparative Political Studies, vol. 44, no. 10, pp. 1370-1396
Why do some minority groups involved in South-South migration integrate into their host societies, whereas others face exclusion and hostility? Why, for example, are Nigerian Hausas integrated into Ghanaian society in Accra but rejected in Niamey (Niger)? This study draws on surveys of Nigerian Hausa and Yoruba immigrants and host populations in urban Ghana, Benin and Niger. Its findings suggest that cultural similarities may worsen, not improve, immigrant-host relations in sub-Saharan Africa: cultural similarities seem to motivate immigrant community leaders to seek to preserve their group identities by highlighting group boundaries. In addition, host societies seem to reject groups that can easily blend in because those groups can access indigenous benefits in the competition for scarce resources.
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Sommers M., 2006, 'Fearing Africa's Young Men: The Case of Rwanda', World Bank, Washington DC
Do the concentrated numbers of male youths in urban Rwanda threaten social stability? The World Bank investigates this theory, examining the concept that large concentrations of male youths are disconnected from their cultures and prone to violence due to the ‘youth bulge’. However, interviews with urban male youths in Rwanda indicate that, rather than being menaces to society, they are constrained by limited opportunities. The situation confronting most Rwandan youth and most of their counterparts in Africa remains alarming – a largely silent emergency.
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Department for International Development, 2007, 'Moving Out of Poverty - Making Migration Work Better for Poor People', Policy Paper, DFID, London
How can policymakers and development agencies maximise the opportunities and minimise the risks associated with rising levels of national and international migration? This paper analyses the impact of voluntary economic migration on poverty reduction and development goals. Migration carries risks both for migrants and for the countries sending and receiving them. However, the benefits of migration can be maximised by improving planning for internal mobility, encouraging legal migration, promoting low-cost methods for sending remittances, and supporting diaspora activity.
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Kothari, U., 2002, ‘Migration and Chronic Poverty’, Chronic Poverty Research Centre, Chronic Poverty Research Centre, Institute for Development Policy and Management, Manchester
What is the relationship between chronic poverty and processes of migration? While livelihoods strategies are diverse and multiple, for many poor people migration represents a central component of these. How can research examine the characteristics of those who move and stay and what compels them? This paper addresses the implications of current migration-related policies for chronic poverty and identifies possible future research priorities for the Chronic Poverty Research Centre. It does not look at 'forced' migration (including refugees) but focuses on 'free' population movements.
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