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Islamist Radicalisation and Development Aid in South Asia

Author: K Lakshman
Date: 2006
Size: 43 pages (196 KB)

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Summary

What accounts for the rise in political and radical Islam in the Muslim world? What factors contribute towards radicalisation at the local level? This working paper from the Danish Institute for International Studies explores the reasons commonly identified for the rise of political and radical Islam. Focusing specifically on the radicalisation of Muslim communities in South Asia, it argues that aid to the region, which has largely been used to support short-term security interests, must instead take a long-term approach that involves delegitimising extremism.

Several reasons are usually cited for the rise of political and radical Islam throughout the Muslim world. Anti-American sentiment is often attributed to US unconditional support for Israel and their backing of hated repressive regimes, especially in the Middle East. However, there are other, more local reasons for the radicalisation of Muslims in Asia – where almost half of the world’s Muslim population lives – such as regional wars and unresolved conflicts. In addition, a series of global events have contributed towards the creation of a global Muslim identity in the region. By 2020, young people will be the majority in much of South Asia.

The absence of ideological alternatives and the declining performance of states in terms of caring for their citizens have been exploited by well-funded and organised radical groups using aggressive and sophisticated recruitment techniques.

• A wide range of mosques and madrassas (seminaries) across the region – most drastically in Pakistan and Bangladesh – are used as primary locations for ideological motivation and recruitment by extremist and terrorist groups.
• Students at madrassas tend to come from impoverished families, start their studies when very young and remain isolated from mainstream society during the impressionable part of their teenage years.
• A parallel strategy of Islamist extremists is to shut down secular education institutions, thereby widening their potential recruitment base.
• However, the mere existence of poverty and deprivation is not sufficient to explain levels of Islamist rebellion.
• The West has failed to pursue a cogent political strategy aimed at delegitimising the ideology of Islamist terrorism.
• Its simultaneous support for democracy and authoritarian regimes in the region is contradictory and may itself lead to radicalisation.
• The trajectory of Islamist extremism in South Asia is an important construct for the Muslim diaspora in Western Europe, especially in Britain.

Long-term aid is crucial in countering radical Islam; it has suffered in South Asia due to the institutional cultures and organisational dynamics of donor agencies, which are not inherently suited to the specifics of societies affected by extreme radicalisation and violence.

• Western aid in the region has largely been used in terms of short-term security interests; a rational balancing between security issues and capacity building is essential if development aid is to be effective.
• Locating moderate Islam and its adherents is central in any strategy that attempts to negate the influence of radical Islam and terrorism; attention should be paid to campaigns and programmes that delegitimise extremism among Muslims.
• Unlike radicals, liberal and moderate Muslims have not been adept in creating networks. They feel exposed and isolated and will only raise their voices against extremism where the risks are manageable.
• At some level, external aid mechanisms should begin addressing the issue of Islam itself.
• The democratic movements opposed to governments in the Muslim world are likely to be the real engines of social and political change.
• Experience in Pakistan has shown that reliance on civil society projects to promote democracy amidst what are essentially authoritarian governments is problematic.

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Source: Lakshman, K., 2006, Islamist Radicalisation and Developmental Aid in South Asia, DIIS Working Paper, no. 8, Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS), Copenhagen
Author: Danish Institute for International Studies, http://www.diis.dk