Chapter 3 - Preventing and managing violent conflict

Ending violent conflict: non-violence and peacekeeping

Non-violence and local conflict management

Non-violent resistance

The basic principles of non-violent resistance encompass “an abstention from using physical force to achieve an aim, but also a full engagement in resisting oppression, domination and any other forms of injustice” (Dudouet 2008: 3).  Actions range from non-violent protest and persuasion (e.g. formal statements, public assemblies and processions) to non-cooperation (e.g. strikes) to non-violent intervention (e.g. sit-ins and fasts). Non-violent resistance is considered particularly appropriate at early stages of latent conflict as a tool for marginal or disenfranchised communities. It has the power to encourage popular empowerment, apply pressure on opponents, and win sympathy of powerful third-parties – thus providing a stronger position from which to negotiate. 

Dudouet, V., 2008, ‘Nonviolent Resistance and Conflict Transformation in Power Asymmetries’, Berghof Research Centre for Constructive Conflict Management, Berlin
In what context and under what conditions can nonviolent resistance (NVR) contribute to successful and sustainable conflict transformation processes? This research analyses constructive conflict transformation through NVR in the first Palestinian intifada (1987-1993). It argues that nonviolent struggles might support the goals of peacemaking and peacebuilding by transforming unbalanced power relations in preparation for conflict negotiations. Furthermore, by using self-limiting conflict strategies, it reduces inter-party polarisation and encourages democratic practices.
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Vukosavljevic, N., 2007, ‘Training for Peacebuilding and Conflict Transformation. Experiences of the "Centre for Nonviolent Action" in the Western Balkans’, Berghof Research Centre for Constructive Conflict Management, Berlin
What are the effects and challenges of training for peacebuilding and non-violent action? This paper draws on experiences of the work of the Centre for Nonviolent Action (CNA) in the Western Balkans. CNA is a peace organisation driven by local activists that focuses on cross-border activities. There is no recipe for designing effective training but the content of training must match reality. The quality of the training depends on the trainer team’s sense of what is right and fair.
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Local conflict management

The capacity for non-violent local conflict management refers to processes, mechanisms, and institutions in a society that can peacefully and constructively manage conflict. This may include informal and/or traditional approaches to conflict resolution, community meetings, a culture of tolerance, a strong civil society, traditional courts and local judiciary.

Informal social networks of individuals and/or collectives, for example, are considered to have contributed to the absence of violent conflict in Northeast Asia, despite high levels of military expenditure and intra-regional distrust.  These ongoing networks have provided some form of connection and understanding of the ‘other’.  They have countered demonization of the ‘other’ and allowed for the building of trust and long-term relationships.

Traditional conflict management mechanisms in Africa tend to focus on whole communities as parties to a dispute, as opposed to individuals.  The aim of conflict management mechanisms is to restore social relationships and harmony; and to provide restitution through apology and compensation.  The benefits of adopting local mechanisms are that they facilitate ownership and have greater resonance in societies than Western conflict management approaches.  They may also be more effective in strengthening group unity.  Disadvantages, however, are that they may exclude key groups such as women, children and youth.  In addition, they are limited in their ability to address more far-reaching conflict between local communities and outside actors that follow different traditions and customs, such as state authorities or multinational enterprises. The existence of numerous, different parties to the conflict in Nigeria, for example, have resulted in complex conflict management approaches. The most effective method adopted is considered to be the development of a non-adversarial, participatory approach that allows the various stakeholders to share information and opinions and to engage in joint problem-solving.

Weissmann, M., 2005, ‘Informal Networks as a Conflict Preventive Mechanism’, Chapter 5 in Conflict Prevention and Conflict Management in Northeast Asia, ed. N. Swanström, Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, Washington, DC and Nacka, Sweden, pp. 103-119
Can informal social networks be effective in conflict prevention? This study looks at whether informal networks can have an impact on conflict preventive mechanisms, or function as such a mechanism by themselves. It also examines their potential as part of a Northeast Asian way of conflict prevention. Although informal networks are no panacea for conflict prevention and peace, they offer more customised methods of conflict prevention and reduce the risk of conflicting parties being drawn in to conflict.
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Boege, V., 2006, ‘Traditional Approaches to Conflict Transformation: Potentials and Limits’, Berghof Research Centre for Constructive Conflict Management, Berlin
Is there a role for traditional actors and institutions in peacebuilding? This paper assesses traditional approaches to conflict transformation in the context of contemporary violent conflicts in the South. The hybrid nature of contemporary conflicts needs to be taken into account for conflict prevention and peacebuilding. Attention must be given to non-state traditional actors and methods and their combination with modern forms of conflict transformation. The analysis of conflict and approaches to the control of violence must overcome a state-centric perspective.
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Okoh, R. N., 2005, ‘Conflict Management in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria: A Participatory Approach’, African Journal on Conflict Resolution, vol. 5, no. 1, pp.91-114
How can a participatory approach help quell violent conflict? The Niger Delta region of Nigeria has witnessed an unprecedented spate of violence related to the impacts of oil and gas production. This paper recommends a collaborative problem-solving approach to conflict management in the region. This avoids problems associated with more adversarial approaches and gives all participants the chance to express their views and influence decisions. However, the participatory approach requires very careful planning, determination on the part of all stakeholders, plus highly skilled facilitators.
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For further discussion and resources on local conflict management, see the non-state justice and security systems section in the transitional justice component of the GSDRC’s justice guide.

Peacekeeping and peace support operations

The standard definition of peacekeeping refers to a “United Nations presence in the field (normally involving civilian and military personnel) that, with the consent of the conflicting parties, implements or monitors arrangements relating to the control of conflicts and their resolution, or ensures the safe delivery of humanitarian relief”. It is a technique initiated by the United Nations as a means for maintaining international peace and security (UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations). Although there are a number of individual examples of failed peacekeeping missions, research suggests that, in general, peace support operations have helped to maintain stability.

UN peacekeeping and peace support operations have controversially expanded in recent years beyond this standard definition to incorporate concepts of humanitarian intervention, exemplified by the ‘responsibility to protect’ doctrine; aspects of humanitarian aid delivery and post-conflict peacebuilding; as well as counterinsurgency operations. This has resulted in increasing overlap between military and civilian actors (humanitarian actors, development agencies, civil society etc.) and the need for more coherent and coordinated actions. This trend has also led to overstretch, with limited resources struggling to deal with a growing number of interventions.

Furthermore, other organisations have increasingly engaged in peacekeeping operations including other international and regional organisations like NATO, the European Union, and the African Union and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) (see regional peace and security architecture in this guide).

Gowan, R. and Johnstone, I., 2007, ‘New Challenges for Peacekeeping: Protection, Peacebuilding and the “War on Terror”’, Working Paper, Coping with Crisis series, Centre on International Cooperation, New York University, New York
What are the key challenges for peacekeeping operations? How might these be overcome? This paper argues that peacekeeping should be thought of as a strategic tool, rather than a strategy, since it is not an end in itself. Many current peacekeeping missions are expected to carry out a mixture of protection, peacebuilding, and counter-insurgency. They require hybrid approaches that need to be better coordinated. A doctrine for 'peace enforcement' as the use of robust force for limited purposes must be developed.
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Fortna, V. P., 2004, ‘Does Peacekeeping Keep Peace? International Intervention and the Duration of Peace after Civil War’, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 48, No 2., pp. 269-292
Does the presence of international peacekeepers contribute to more durable peace in the aftermath of civil war than when they are absent? This article analyses all civil conflicts between 1944 and 1997. Controlling as much as possible for the degree of difficulty of a particular case, it is clear that intervention by the international community does help to maintain peace. Across the various types of peacekeeping missions, the presence of peacekeepers reduces the risk of another war by over 55 per cent.
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Bah, A. S. (ed.), 2009, ‘Annual Review of Global Peace Operations 2009’, Briefing Paper, Center on International Cooperation at New York University
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‘Responsibility to protect’ and humanitarian intervention

The ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P), adopted at the 2005 United Nations World Summit, mandates that “each individual State has the responsibility to protect its populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity”. The international community is to assist States in exercising this responsibility and in building their protection capacities (the prevention component). Where a State nonetheless fails to protect its citizens, the international community should be prepared to take collective action in a “timely and decisive manner” through the Security Council and in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations (the flexible response component).

The endorsement of R2P was a critical step in establishing a new global norm for the protection of civilians. Development and implementation of R2P, however, has been limited. The ‘prevention component’, although identified as the most important aspect in the ICISS report cited below, has received minimal political and academic attention. Regarding, the ‘flexible response component’, which has received much greater attention, states have still been reluctant to go very far in breaching state sovereignty. Further, the post-9/11 counterterrorism agenda and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq have limited the political willingness and military capacity of Northern countries to take part in R2P missions. They have also produced scepticism on the part of Southern countries about humanitarian interventions.

In order to address these limitations, the UN Secretary-General appointed Edward Luck as Special Advisor on the Responsibility to Protect in 2007.  There has also been increasing focus on the adoption of R2P principles by regional organisations. The African Union, for example, has established norms similar to that of R2P. This, however, has not yet been matched by the institutional capacities to deliver on its responsibilities.

International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), 2001, 'The Responsibility to Protect', International Development Research Centre, Ottawa
The responsibility to protect embraces three specific responsibilities; to prevent, react and rebuild. It is important to address both the root and direct causes of internal conflict and other man-made crises putting populations at risk. States should respond to situations of compelling human need with appropriate measures, which may include coercive measures like sanctions and international prosecution and in extreme cases military intervention. States must provide full assistance with recovery, reconstruction and reconciliation, addressing the causes of the harm the intervention was designed to halt or avert. This paper stresses that prevention options should always be exhausted before intervention is contemplated, and more commitment and resources must be devoted to it.
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United Nations, 2009, ‘Implementing the Responsibility to Protect’, Report of the Secretary General, United Nations
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Bellamy, A., 2008, 'Conflict Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect', Global Governance, no. 2 (April–June), pp. 135–156
Why has conflict prevention been neglected in the ongoing debates over global security? This article examines attitudes toward the international community’s responsibility to prevent conflict since the publication in 2001 of the report The Responsibility to Protect.  In explaining the relative neglect of prevention in debates about The Responsibility to Protect, it argues that the answer can be found in a combination of doubts about how wide the definition of prevention should be, political concerns raised by the use of prevention in the war on terrorism, and practical concerns about the appropriate institutional locus for responsibility.
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Cottey, A., 2008, ‘Beyond Humanitarian Intervention: The New Politics of Peacekeeping and Intervention’, Contemporary Politics, vol. 14, no. 4, pp. 429-446
How have peacekeeping and military intervention evolved since 9/11? This article argues that Western states have become reluctant to engage in the types of humanitarian interventions they undertook in the 1990s. A new model of operations is emerging, lying between traditional United Nations peacekeeping and classical humanitarian intervention. This new generation of peace operations indicates movement towards the view that the international community has a duty to intervene in internal conflicts and crises.
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Stamnes, E., 2009, ‘“Speaking R2P” and the Prevention of Mass Atrocities’, Global Responsibility to Protect, vol. 1, no. 1, pp.70-89
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Aning, K. and Atuobi, S., 2009, ‘Responsibility to Protect in Africa: An Analysis of the African Union's Peace and Security Architecture’, Global Responsibility to Protect, vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 90-113
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Humanitarian aid delivery

The involvement of the military in humanitarian activity has increased in recent years due to its adoption as a strategy in counterinsurgency operations to ‘win hearts and minds’. While this may in some contexts be a useful tactic for military operations, there are concerns that this interaction compromises humanitarian principles and undermines the security of humanitarian staff.

Egnell, R., 2008, ‘Between Reluctance and Necessity: The Utility of Military Force in Humanitarian and Development Operations’, Small Wars and Insurgencies, vol. 19, no. 3, pp. 397-422
Does increased civil-military integration in peace operations lead to increased effectiveness? This paper examines emerging trends in civil-military integration in recent humanitarian interventions. While some integration might be appropriate, (based on careful analysis of involved actors and their interests), the benefits of greater military involvement should not be assumed. Further study is needed into the causal mechanisms of effectiveness in complex peace support operations. It may be best to preserve the humanitarian space based on the impartiality, neutrality and independence of humanitarian organisations.
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For further discussion and resources on the involvement of the military in humanitarian aid delivery, see the stabilisation section of this guide.

Peacekeepers as peacebuilders

The recent expansion of UN peacekeeping missions into a range of peacebuilding activities has been the subject of much debate. Critics argue that peacekeeping missions are not properly designed for peacebuilding as they have limited mandates, resources and duration, as well as limited leverage over national decision-making. In addition, peacekeepers are usually not trained in peacebuilding and may lack the necessary understanding of the situation or the history of the conflict. Proponents assert that military involvement in peacebuilding operations can be beneficial so long as guidelines are established for effective civil-military coordination that goes beyond humanitarian activities.

Hazen, J. M., 2007, ‘Can Peacekeepers Be Peacebuilders?’ International Peacekeeping, vol. 14, no. 3, pp. 323-338
Are peacekeeping missions equipped to handle peacebuilding tasks? The role of UN peacekeeping missions has expanded beyond traditional tasks to include political, economic, and humanitarian activities. This article argues that peacekeeping missions are a poor choice for peacebuilding given their limited mandates, capacity, leverage, resources and duration. Peacekeepers should focus on peacekeeping, and laying the foundation for peacebuilding. Peacebuilding should be the primary task of national governments and their populations.
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De Coning, C., 2005, ‘Civil-Military Coordination and UN Peacebuilding Operations’, African Journal on Conflict Resolution, vol. 5, no. 2, pp.89-118
Can UN civil-military coordination (CIMIC) policies that have been developed to manage the relationship between humanitarian actors and military forces during the humanitarian emergency phase of conflict, be applied to manage the relationship between all civilian actors and UN military units during peacebuilding? This research suggests that UN CIMIC actions can make a positive contribution to the overall peacebuilding process if the military components’ resources, energy and goodwill can be positively channelled in support of the overall mission objectives.
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Van der Lijn, J., 2009, ‘If Only There Were a Blueprint! Factors for Success and Failure of UN Peace-Building Operations’, Journal of International Peacekeeping, vol. 18, pp. 45-71
How do principles from the literature on UN peacekeeping compare with lessons emerging from UN peace-building operations? This article identifies from the literature eleven clusters of factors for success and failure and tests these against four case studies – Cambodia, Mozambique, Rwanda and El Salvador. Although results largely confirm the factors for success and failure found in the peacekeeping literature, theory on UN peacebuilding operations still needs adjustment.
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Gender, Peacekeeping and Protection

Reports of peacekeeper involvement in sexual exploitation and abuse of local populations emerged in the 1990s. This resulted in the adoption of a zero-tolerance policy in UN peacekeeping operations. It also confirmed the need for a greater female presence in peacekeeping forces. 

The inclusion of more women in peacekeeping forces has been recognised as desirable for several reasons. In addition to countering the incidences of exploitation and abuse, studies have shown that the presence of women in peacekeeping missions broadens the range of skills and styles available within the mission and improves access and support for local women. Women in conflict/post-conflict environments are more comfortable approaching women officers to report and discuss incidents of sexual assault. Given the high levels of sexual violence in conflict, this access and support is essential. In addition, in more conservative societies such as Afghanistan and Sudan, the presence of women peacekeepers has been imperative, as women there may be reluctant to speak with male officers. The presence of women officers can also provide role models and incentives for other women to seek leadership positions.

Pillay, A., 2006, 'Gender, Peace and Peacekeeping: Lessons from Southern Africa', ISS Paper 128, Institute for Security Studies, Pretoria
Post-conflict conditions can create possibilities for the transformation of gender relations. This paper discusses the participation of women in post-conflict organisations. A comparison of the impact of women in peacekeeping missions in South Africa and the Democratic Republic of Congo illustrates that women help defuse post-conflict tensions and increase awareness of gender issues. The participation of women in peace processes indicates progress, but more transformative measures are needed to achieve gender equality.
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Jennings, K. M., 2008, ‘Protecting Whom? Approaches to Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in UN Peacekeeping Operations’, Fafo, Oslo
Is the zero-tolerance policy toward sexual exploitation and abuse having a positive impact on UN peacekeeping missions? This report reviews evidence from UN peacekeeping missions in Haiti and Liberia and concludes that the policy is yielding mixed results. It contends that the policy’s difficulties stem from implementation problems and contextual challenges that would be eased by better communication and clarity as to the intents and purposes of the zero-tolerance approach.
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This following study attempts to map the implementation of human rights and gender mandates in various UN and EU peace operations, such as the missions in El Salvador, Cambodia, Haiti and the Balkans.

Boehme, J., 2008, ‘Human Rights and Gender Components of UN and EU Peace Operations: Putting Human Rights and Gender Mandates into Practice’, German Institute for Human Rights, Berlin
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Case studies

Friesendorf, C. and Penksa, S., 2008, ‘Militarized Law Enforcement in Peace Operations: EUFOR in Bosnia and Herzegovina’, International Peacekeeping, vol. 15, no. 5, pp. 677-694
What are the causes and problems of militarised law enforcement in peace operations? How can these be addressed? This paper examines the role of the European Union Force (EUFOR) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). While the military can contribute to law enforcement, such involvement is generally hindered by fear of 'mission creep' and lack of preparedness. Preferable alternatives to military involvement (such as international civil police forces collaborating with local officials) are obstructed by lack of political will. Law enforcement should be addressed early and systematically by the deployment of robust forces that avoid excessive use of force.
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Bah, A.M.S., and Johnstone, I., 2007, ‘Peacekeeping in Sudan: The Dynamics of Protection, Partnerships and Inclusive Politics’, The Centre on International Cooperation, New York
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ICG, 2009, ‘China's Growing Role in UN Peacekeeping’, Asia Report, no. 166, International Crisis Group, Brussels
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Additional Resources

For discussion and resources on coherence and coordination of various actors in peace and security missions, see the section on peace and security architecture of this guide.

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