Chapter 2 - Living in conflict-affected areas

Women in conflict-affected areas

Women and conflict: overview

Women and girls suffer disproportionately from violent conflict. They suffer not only from the by-products of war, but are also targeted as a strategy of war. Rape and sexual violence have been recognised as instruments of war, designed to weaken families and break down the social fabric of communities and societies. Although men and boys are also victims of gender-based violence, women and girls are the primary target.

There is increasing acknowledgement that women and girls play multiple roles during conflict. They are not only victims of violence, but can also be active participants in the violence, directly as combatants, or indirectly, by facilitating violence through fundraising or inciting their male relatives to commit acts of violence. Women also often become heads of households during war; women and girls learn new skills and contribute to peacemaking and rebuilding local economies and communities. These changes in gender relations, however, are usually short-lived and societies resort back to traditional gender roles after conflict. 

Women also tend to be sidelined from formal conflict resolution and peacebuilding processes, and post-conflict recovery programmes often overlook women’s security needs. This compromises the inclusiveness and sustainability of peacebuilding efforts. 

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security recognises this shortfall. It addresses the impact of war on women, mandates the protection of women and girls during and after conflict and the greater involvement of women in conflict resolution, peacekeeping and peacebuilding processes.

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1820 (2008) extends SCR 1325 to explicitly recognise sexual violence as a security issue and tactic of war, demand parties to armed conflict to adopt concrete prevention and protection measures and assert the importance of women’s participation in peace processes.

United Nations, 2002, 'Women, Peace and Security', Study submitted by the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council resolution 1325 (2000), United Nations, New York
How does armed conflict impact on women? What role do women play in the peace process? This study is an initiative undertaken in response to Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security adopted in October 2000. While it shows that many positive steps have been taken to implement the resolution, women still form a minority of those who participate in peace and security negotiations, and receive less attention than men in post-conflict agreements, disarmament and reconstruction.
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Rehn, E. and Johnson Sirleaf, E., 2002, ‘Women, War and Peace’, Independent Expert’s Assessment on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Women and Women’s Role in Peace-building’, United Nations Development Fund for Women, New York
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BRIDGE, 2003, ‘Gender and Armed Conflict’, Institute of Development Studies, Brighton
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Van der Gaag, 2008, ‘Because I am a Girl: The State of the World’s Girls 2008 – Special Focus: I the Shadow of War’, Plan International
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Impact of violent conflict on women and girls

The literature on sexual violence in armed conflict indicates that rape and violence against women and girls prior to, during and after conflict is extensive in scope and magnitude throughout the world. Sexual violence is defined by the Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC) Task Force on Gender and Humanitarian Assistance as “any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic a person’s sexuality, using coercion, threats of harm or physical force, by any person regardless of relationship to the victim, in any setting, including but not limited to home and work”. Sexual violence, particularly rape, is often used as a weapon of war to destabilise families, groups and communities; to carry out ethnic cleansing and genocide; to instil fear in populations in order to dampen resistance and/or incite flight; as a form of punishment and torture; and to affirm aggression. The destabilisation of families and communities can contribute to other forms of violence, including domestic violence.

Sexual exploitation, trafficking and sexual slavery tend to increase in armed conflict. Women and girls who are recruited, often by abduction, into combat are in many cases forced to provide sexual services and/or are subjected to forced marriages. Refugee and internally displaced women and girls, separated from family members and traditional support mechanisms, are also particularly vulnerable. Government officials, civilian authorities, peacekeepers and aid workers have been reported to demand sexual favours in exchange for necessities – safe passage, food and shelter. Limited monitoring of camp security also renders women and girls vulnerable to sexual violence and forced combat.

Security issues hinder women and girl’s access to services as well. When schools are destroyed for example, and children have to travel long distances, girls are more likely to stay at home in order to avoid the increased risk of abduction, sexual violence and exploitation.  

The issues associated with reintegration are different for men and women. Returning females face different problems from returning males and women who have remained in the community during war face specific challenges when combatants return. Reintegration programmes should take gender dynamics into consideration.

Sexual violence

Ward, J. and Marsh, M., 2006, ‘Sexual Violence Against Women and Girls in War and its Aftermath: Realities, Responses and Required Resources’, Briefing Paper, United Nations Population Fund
What is the extent and impact of gender-based violence during and after war? Statistics show that the sexual violation and torture of women and girls has become rife in conflict settings. Data also show that gender-based violence (GBV) does not subside post-conflict; certain types of GBV may even increase. This paper argues that while international prevention and response efforts have increased in recent years, much more must be done. A multi-sectoral model which demands holistic inter-organisational and inter-agency efforts across health, social services, legal and security sectors offers the best approach for GBV prevention.
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DCAF, 2007, ‘Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict: Global Overview and Implications for the Security Sector’, Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces
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GSDRC, 2009, 'Conflict and Sexual and Domestic Violence against Women', Helpdesk Research Report, GSDRC, Birmingham
The literature on sexual violence in armed conflict indicates that rape and violence against women and girls prior to, during and after conflict seem to be extensive in scope and magnitude throughout the world – with reported incidents in conflicts in Africa, the Americas, Asia, Europe and the Middle East. While there is limited comparative analysis and understanding about where sexual violence may be more or less prevalent and why, it is widely recognised that sexual violence against women in conflict is usually reflective of pre-existing patterns in society. Generally speaking, rape and violence against women is a good proxy indicator of rising tensions and incipient conflict. Much of the literature also emphasises the persistence of violence and exploitation in the ‘post’-conflict, reconstruction phase.
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Harvard Humanitarian Initiative and Oxfam America, 2010 'Now, the World is Without Me: An Investigation of Sexual Violence in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo', Harvard Humanitarian Initiative and Oxfam International
The number of reported assaults at Panzi Hospital in South Kivu, Eastern DRC has steadily decreased between 2004 and 2008. At the same time there has been a 17-fold increase in the number of rapes carried out by civilians as opposed to armed militia. This implies a normalisation of rape among the civilian population. Women require quality care in all areas; there must be further work to reduce sexual violence linked to military action; legal and justice initiatives must be strengthened for crimes against civilians by its armed forces, and protective deployments must be tailored to local realities.
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Benjamin, J. A., and Murchison, L, 2004, ‘Gender-based Violence: Care and Protection of Children in Emergencies – A Field Guide’, Save the Children, London
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Nordås,R, 2011, ‘Sexual Violence in African Conflicts’, CSCW Policy Brief, Centre for the Study of Civil War, PRIO, Oslo
This policy brief summarises key findings from a pilot study of conflict-related sexual violence in conflicts in 20 African countries, encompassing 177 armed conflict actors – state armies, militias, and rebel groups. The study finds that, in Africa, sexual violence is: mostly indiscriminate; committed only by some conflict actors; often committed by state armies; often committed in years with low levels of killings; and often committed post-conflict.
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Displacement

Buscher, D., 2006, ‘Displaced Women and Girls at Risk: Risk Factors, Protection Solutions and Resource Tools’, Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, New York
Why do large numbers of displaced women and girls continue to be abused, raped and exploited? This paper explores risks facing displaced women and how to address them. Women and girls must be involved in their own protection. Their communities, including the men, must be similarly engaged. Yet only individual assessment can adequately address women’s unique protection concerns. Women and girls are not just victims but also survivors, caretakers, leaders, peacemakers and providers.
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Access to services

GSDRC, 2009, 'The Impact of Conflict on Women’s Education, Employment and Health Care', Helpdesk Research Report, GSDRC, Birmingham
The extent to which conflict restricts women’s freedom of movement depends on a number of factors including the stage of conflict, whether the women are displaced, whether they are directly or indirectly affected by the conflict, and the cultural norms of the conflict-affected area. Forced displacement, for example, may in some cases lead to greater mobility, where women assume additional responsibilities such as taking on the role of primary breadwinner. Nevertheless, it is generally accepted that the fear of violence more often than not restricts women's freedom of movement. In times of political, economic and social uncertainty, there is a strong tendency to revert to traditional values which appear to offer protection for women and girls but which restrict their mobility.
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Young women and girls as fighters

Coulter, C., Persson, M., and Utas, M., 2008, ‘Young Female Fighters in African Wars: Conflict and Its Consequences’, Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala
What role do young women play in contemporary African wars? Mainstream thinking on war and conflict sees women as passive and peaceful and men as active and aggressive. This report calls for a broader understanding of women’s roles and participation in armed conflict in Africa. Programmes to disarm, demobilise and re-integrate former fighters need to be adapted to local contexts and designed to meet the needs of female ex-fighters.
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Denov, M., 2007, 'Girls in Fighting Forces: Moving Beyond Victimhood', Canadian International Development Agency, Ottawa
Girls within armed groups have generally been neglected by scholars, governments and policymakers. This paper traces the experiences of girls in armed conflict in Angola, Sierra Leone, Mozambique and Uganda. It finds that girls in fighting forces are rendered invisible and marginalised during and after conflict, although they are fundamentally important to armed groups. They experience victimisation, perpetration and insecurity, but are also active agents and resisters.
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Reintegration

Maina, G., 2011, 'The Complexity of Applying UN Resolution 1325 in Post Conflict Reintegration Processes: The Case of Northern Uganda', African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD), Durban
How effectively have the needs of women and girls been addressed during rehabilitation, reintegration and post-conflict reconstruction in Uganda? This study looks the reintegration experience of women and girls after the long war between the Ugandan government and the Lord's Resistance Army. The study analyses the situation in the context of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which calls on all actors to address the special needs of women and girls during rehabilitation, reintegration and post-conflict reconstruction. The study concludes that, since the female populations in northern Uganda still struggle with deprivation, want and exclusion, it is difficult speak of meaningful and durable peace.
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Participation in Peace Processes, Reconstruction and Peacebuilding

Conflict can present new opportunities for women to assume different roles in society and to get involved in decision-making. Women often secure important gains within the family and local community and in broader political participation.  Women are still usually sidelined, however, in formal conflict resolution and peace negotiation processes. This is especially problematic as the outcomes from these processes usually dictate the post-conflict landscape. 

The inclusion of women in peace processes is essential as their participation contributes to the fulfilment of human rights norms of equal participation; allows for the articulation of different experiences and needs of women in conflict; and results in women as active agents in post-conflict recovery processes. Women may be particularly effective at making alliances across political lines.

There are a few examples of women’s involvement in formal processes and its positive impact. In Somalia, for example, women activists formed a ‘Sixth Clan’ (comprised of the five main clans involved in negotiations) and were successful in gaining access to the negotiating table. Their representation and advocacy at the table in turn led to the inclusion of quotas for women in new governance structures. In Afghanistan, the participation of women at the Bonn negotiations had a profound impact on the post-conflict environment – with the inclusion of women’s rights in the Constitution and the inclusion of women in political decision-making roles.

Women have managed to play a critical role in informal negotiation processes as well – often preparing the ground for negotiations and bridging divides. Women’s organisations and other international organisations and donors have also implemented training and capacity building workshops for women – to impart conflict mediation and resolution skills; and the skills necessary for political participation. 

Nevertheless, it should be acknowledged that these are exceptions and women are still largely marginalised in peace processes and as international mediators.

Banaszak, K. et al., eds., 2005, 'Securing the Peace: Guiding the International Community towards Women's Effective Participation throughout Peace Processes,' United Nations Development Fund for Women
How and why should women be involved in peace processes? This paper highlights the importance of involving women at every stage of peace negotiations and gives recommendations for how this might be achieved in practice. It argues that when approaching the task of ending war, the stakes are too high to neglect the resources that women have to offer.
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Chhabra, S., 2006, ‘Gender Perspective in Peace Initiatives: Opportunities and Challenges’, Women’s Link Journal
How can women play a more effective role in peace initiatives? This research from the National Institute of Public Cooperation and Child Development in New Delhi argues that it is important to improve understanding of how women’s and men’s perspectives on peace and violence vary, and whether there are policy implications for these differences. A full understanding of the role of women as actors during war and conflict and as victims of war is essential to ensure full participation of women at all levels of decision-making and implementation in peace processes.
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Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2010, ‘Summary report - Women at the Peace Table Asia Pacific Experts Meeting’, HD Centre, Geneva
How can women's representation in peace negotiations be improved? This report of a meeting with 40 women experts from across Asia and the Pacific notes that gender issues are sidelined as being 'social' or 'welfare' and their importance to hard security is overlooked. A broader perspective is needed, as women's contributions outside of formal negotiations (to conflict resolution at local level, to conflict prevention, and to influencing informal processes) have been significant. Women can forge common ground across conflict and party lines. Their inclusion can be enhanced through links with the women’s movement outside the formal peace process.
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Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2011, ‘Peacemaking in Asia and the Pacific: Women’s Participation, Perspectives and Priorities’, HD Centre, Geneva
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Conaway, C. P., 2005, ‘Charting Progress: The Role of Women in Reconstruction and Stabilisation Operations’, United States Institute of Peace, Washington
To what extent are women included in reconstruction initiatives after conflict? This report argues that despite progress within the United States government to recognise the importance of women’s inclusion in stabilisation and reconstruction operations, no overarching strategy or programme exists to ensure implementation. An ongoing capability must be institutionalised within the US government to enhance the role of women. Action taken prior to an intervention will improve the success of the mission.
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GSDRC, 2009, 'The Impact of Conflict on Women’s Voice and Participation', Helpdesk Research Report, GSDRC, Birmingham
Although conflict can reduce the voice of less powerful groups (including women), there are also opportunities for these groups to contest well-established social structures and divisions, and for new, non-traditional leaders to emerge. Women assume varied roles during armed conflict, as victims, but also as perpetrators, as well as peace activists. There are sub-groups of women who may be particularly vulnerable as a result of conflict and are frequently invisible in post-conflict peace processes and community-driven development, for example: young women, female-headed households, widows, and women from marginalised groups. However, women are not necessarily the only, or even the most, excluded group in a given society. Furthermore, female participation does not necessarily lead to positive outcomes for women. Not all women have equal voices or the same vested interests; other issues of identity, such as ethnicity, religion, and age can be equally important.
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Gender analysis and gender-sensitivity in post-conflict recovery

Women, girls, men and boys participate in and experience conflict, peace processes and post-conflict recovery differently. Research has found that the needs of women and girls have often been neglected in assistance programmes. For example, women and girl combatants are often discriminated against in disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration programmes; and there is often a lack of provision of health services and trauma programmes for women and girls suffering from sexual violence. 

New frameworks have been created and tested in order to promote understanding of the gender dimensions of conflict and post-conflict reconstruction.

Hudson, H., 2006, 'Human Security and Peacebuilding Through a Gender Lens: Challenges of Implementation in Africa', DIIS Working Paper no. 2006/ 37, Danish Institute for International Studies, Copenhagen
Why is it so difficult to translate an awareness of gender injustice into workable plans for post-conflict reconstruction? Evidence shows that while women are largely absent from formal peace negotiations, they do make a significant contribution at the grassroots level. Yet this gender awareness has not been incorporated into practice. This paper draws on African feminism to argue for a balanced position between cultural relativism and a ‘one size fits all’ solution to this problem.
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Greenberg, M. E. and Zuckerman, E., 2009, 'The Gender Dimensions of Post-Conflict Reconstruction: The Challenges in Development Aid’, in Making Peace Work: The Challenges of Social and Economic Reconstruction, eds. T. Addison and T. Brück, Palgrave MacMillan, UNU-WIDER, Helsinki
Why do post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) programmes need to address gender relations and equality? How can gender be ‘mainstreamed’ in PCR interventions? This paper considers gender, particularly the needs of women, in post-conflict situations. PCR programmes commonly fail to recognise and address gender issues. Investing in women and promoting gender equality are necessary both for maintaining peace and achieving sustainable development.
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Moser, A., 2007, 'The Peace and Conflict Gender Analysis: UNIFEM's Research in the Solomon Islands' Gender and Development, vol. 15, no. 2 
How can the use of gender analysis help improve post-conflict peace processes? This paper discusses the research methodology and results of the 2005 Peace and Conflict Gender Analysis (PCGA) conducted by the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) in the Solomon Islands. The use of gender analysis to shape peace processes would help solidify women’s gains in status and contribute to economic and civil society development.
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Anderlini, S. N., 2006, ‘Mainstreaming Gender in Conflict Analysis: Issues and Recommendations’, Social Development Papers, no. 33, World Bank, Washington, DC
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Additional resources

For further discussion and resources on gender and peacekeeping, see ‘gender, peacekeeping and protection’ in the peacekeeping and peace support operations section of this guide.

For resources on gender and justice and security sector reform, see the ‘women, security and conflict’ section under gender and justice in the GSDRC’s justice guide.
 

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