Chapter 4 - Recovering from violent conflict

Stabilisation

Stabilisation, as defined and developed by the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID), is “an approach used in violent situations where it is difficult or impossible to pursue conventional programmes. Its aims are explicitly political: to help establish and sustain a legitimate government. And it often involves a degree of military coercion to reduce violence sufficiently to allow recovery, development and peacebuilding programmes” (DFID 2008)

Stability requires a political settlement between local actors (see political settlements in the GSDRC’s fragile states guide). International intervention is often necessary, however, to compensate for weak domestic institutions and political processes. The ‘exit plan’ for stabilisation is for the state to provide the functions, in particular security, essential for long-term stability.

Diplomatic and development actors play important roles in supporting the political process and helping government to fulfil its functions. In the absence of security, however, the military often plays a critical role in stabilisation efforts – providing the essential security that allows non-military actors to operate. Should the military have to play a counterinsurgency role, there is a risk that humanitarian and development work that occurs alongside may be perceived as political in nature as well and targeted. Guidance on stabilisation stresses that it is essential to assess and address such risks.

Stabilisation Unit, 2008, ‘The UK Approach to Stabilisation: Stabilisation Unit Guidance Notes’, Stabilisation Unit, London
What lessons have been learned from UK experience in stabilisation interventions? This document from the UK Government’s Stabilisation Unit outlines emerging best practice guidance on how to assess, plan, resource and carry out stabilisation operations. Major lessons of experience so far are to: recognise the complexity and uncertainty of the action required; ensure an integrated, comprehensive approach between local authorities and external partners; and build on as much understanding and sensitivity to the local environment as can be generated.
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Socioeconomic programming

The importance of economic well-being in the immediate period after hostilities is increasingly emphasised in the conflict literature. Livelihood creation, however, is still often relegated to a lower priority. This has been the case even in Iraq, where only US$805 million of the nearly US$20 billion of U.S.-appropriated funds to reconstruct Iraq was directed at jump-starting the private sector (Mendelson-Forman and Mashatt 2007). There should be more consistent efforts in immediate ‘post-war’ situations to provide for employment and income generation.

Quick Impact Projects (QIPs) are a tool that is increasingly relied upon to deliver timely and noticeable effects on the ground. They can include delivering basic services (such as water, health or education), improving employment and income generating opportunities or contributing to local security. They are particularly necessary as community contribution mechanisms may be limited. There is, however, also a danger of creating aid dependencies. Hence, such an approach has to be subject to sound assessment of the transition to more development-oriented approaches. In Nepal, for example, some development agencies integrated quick impact measures to promote livelihoods into their existing development projects in the immediate aftermath of war (Paffenholz 2006).

Donors often take the lead in the delivery of services in stabilisation contexts due to weak state capacity. At the same time, however, one of the goals of stabilisation is to enhance state legitimacy. In order to resolve this discrepancy, the literature on stabilisation advises that irrespective of the state’s capacity, public information should seek to maximise the state’s association with programmes, as this can help enhance its legitimacy. The literature also stresses the importance of understanding the complex bargaining processes that surround aid programmes in post-conflict contexts.

Mendelson-Forman, J. and Mashatt, M., 2007, ‘Employment Generation and Economic Development in Stabilisation and Reconstruction Operations’, Stabilisation and Reconstruction Series, No. 6, United States Institute of Peace, Washington
What role can employment generation play in stabilisation and immediate post-conflict environments? Is it appropriate to focus on livelihood creation in the first year after the cessation of fighting? This report suggests that employment generation and economic development should be given a high priority in reconstruction efforts.
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GSDRC, 2009, 'Service Delivery and Stabilisation', Helpdesk Research Report, GSDRC, Birmingham
The most commonly cited potential benefits of service delivery in post-conflict environments are that visible delivery enhances state legitimacy, strengthens the social contract and hence, promotes state building. Delivery of services can also address underlying causes of conflict, i.e. social exclusion, and services such as health can be used as entry points for wider peace-building processes. American military experts often use the term ‘health diplomacy‘ when talking about health interventions as a means of achieving strategic objectives in stabilisation contexts such as Afghanistan and Iraq, while at the same time aiming for a positive impact on the health sector as a whole. However, various commentators argue that there is little evidence to suggest that even major improvements in health services delivery have proved a singularly important factor in the consolidation of the peace process or in the successful passage from transitional government to a more stable political environment. This may be because, as other experts suggest, the legitimacy of the state depends on much more than the delivery of services and that stabilisation, therefore, requires a more multi-pronged and multi-layered approach.
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Goodhand, J. and Sedra, M., 2009, ‘Who Owns the Peace? Aid, Reconstruction, and Peacebuilding in Afghanistan’, Disasters, Volume 34, Issue 1, pp. 78-102 Access full text: available online
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Specker, L., 2008, ‘Integrating Socio-economic Recovery into Post-Conflict Stabilisation Programmes’, CRU Policy Brief, no. 7, Clingendael Institute, The Hague,
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Paffenholz, T., 2006, ‘Nepal: Staying Engaged in Conflict: Experiences and Lessons Learned from Conflict Sensitive Programme Management in Fragile Contexts with Armed Conflict’, Asia Brief: Approaches, Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, Bern
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For additional materials on socioeconomic programming, see the socioeconomic recovery section of this guide.

Media

The capacity of the media to influence progress in conflict-affected countries has been increasingly explored in recent years. A coherent and effective media strategy may contribute to the mitigation of post-war tensions by elevating moderate voices and dampening extremist ones, and allowing peaceful outlets for ongoing conflict management and dialogue. If media plans are not well designed, however, there is a risk that the media could reinforce divisions or that a weak media sector could be vulnerable to exploitation by warlords, political patrons, and spoilers.

Bajraktari, Y. and Hsu, E., 2007, ‘Developing Media in Stabilisation and Reconstruction Operations’, United States Institute of Peace, Washington
What strategies, tool and methods work best in the development of post-war media institutions? In war-torn societies, the development of independent, pluralistic, and sustainable media is critical to fostering long-term peace and stability. This report aims to provide guidance by drawing on best practices from past and present post-war media development efforts. A permanent, indigenous mechanism dedicated to monitoring media development is critical to fostering a healthy, independent media sector. It is particularly important to monitor hate speech.
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For further discussion and resources on the media in conflict and peacebuilding contexts, see the media section in this guide.

Cultural preservation

The protection of cultural heritage is another area that requires greater attention. The looting of Iraq’s museums and archaeological sites in the immediate aftermath of the 2003 invasion has resulted in the devastating loss of Iraqi history and common heritage, essential for nationhood. The capacity to protect cultural sites during and after armed conflict must be strengthened. Military doctrine needs to incorporate concern for cultural property, possibly through training and awareness campaigns. Some analysts recommend that international police units, which may be better able to deal with civil disturbances and illicit activities than the military, should be deployed during armed conflict and in post-conflict stability operations.

Detwiler, E., 2008, ‘Iraq’s Cultural Heritage: Preserving the Past for the Sake of the Future’, United States Institute of Peace, Washington, DC
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For further discussion and resources on cultural preservation in conflict contexts, see ‘cultural heritage’ in the socioeconomic recovery section of this guide.

Role of women

The participation and leadership of women in the immediate stabilisation period can serve as a ‘window of opportunity’ to empower women, promote gender equality, and advance women's position in society. Initiatives, funding, and projects that incorporate women, however, have largely been ad hoc and limited. There needs instead to be an overarching strategy with corresponding resources that ensures the inclusion of women in stabilisation operations.

Conaway, C.P., 2005, ‘Charting Progress: The Role of Women in Reconstruction and Stabilisation Operations’, United States Institute of Peace, Washington
To what extent are women included in reconstruction initiatives after conflict? This report argues that despite progress within the United States (US) government to recognise the importance of women’s inclusion in stabilisation and reconstruction operations, no overarching strategy or programme exists to ensure implementation. An ongoing capability must be institutionalised within the US government to enhance the role of women. Action taken prior to an intervention will improve the success of the mission.
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For further discussion and resources on women in conflict and peacebuilding contexts, see the section on women in conflict-affected areas in this guide.

Monitoring and evaluation

Research on monitoring and evaluation practices caution that individual agencies often judge progress in large part on the basis of resources spent or the implementation of projects rather than their impact on stabilisation. This has made it difficult to determine the actual impact of interventions.

Devising indicators is also difficult in stabilisation contexts, as changes sought often relate to the attitudes and perceptions of local populations. Still, there are simple monitoring and evaluation tools that can be used to provide some indications, such as the use of proxies. The amount of travel along key routes, for example, may be a reliable indicator of how secure people feel.

Cohen, C., 2006, ‘Measuring Progress in Stabilisation and Reconstruction’, Special Report, United States Institute of Peace, Washington
Measuring progress is essential to the success of stabilisation and reconstruction efforts. This report, published by the United States Institute of Peace, examines the shortcomings of current processes, including the tendency to measure implementation rather than impact. Proper assessment tools and reliable measures of progress are needed to enable policymakers to take stock of the challenges before intervening and to continuously track the progress of their efforts towards stabilisation. Political will is also essential to ensure leadership and cooperation across organisational boundaries.
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Case Study: Afghanistan

The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) is a security and stabilisation force, with combat units that conduct joint security operations with the Afghan government’s forces. It has provided security necessary for the implementation of diplomatic and development programmes and the strengthening of a new political order, under President Hamid Karzai. Much of the conflict literature on Afghanistan highlight however that the focus of ISAF operations in Kabul has left the rest of Afghanistan vulnerable to takeover by non-state actors, including armed militias, drug barons and traffickers, who have sought to undermine the central government.

Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) are civil-military organisations that were established in 2002 to provide security and reconstruction outside of Kabul and to extend the reach of the Afghan government beyond the capital. PRTs have been controversial, however. Their attempts to build up good will with local populations through the construction of schools, clinics, wells, and other small village improvements have been criticised for securitising aid. Relief agencies have argued that blurring the distinction between combatants and humanitarian workers has put them at risk. In addition, research has found that “Afghan populations are sceptical about military intentions, and are not fooled by simplistic material incentives designed to ‘win hearts and minds’” (Azarbaijani-Moghaddam, Wardak, and Zaman 2008: 8).

Saikal, A., 2006, ‘Afghanistan's Transition: ISAF's Stabilisation Role?, Third World Quarterly, vol. 27, no. 3, pp. 525-534
What role has the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) played in Afghanistan? This article from Third World Quarterly provides an overview of conditions in Afghanistan and discusses the expanding structure and function of ISAF. It argues that the ISAF has made important contributions to stabilisation and reconstruction. Yet it has also suffered shortcomings, arising mainly from tensions between the US and NATO allies. Nonetheless, the ISAF model is worth studying for future international deployments in conflict zones.
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Azarbaijani-Moghaddam S., Wardak, M., Zaman, I., 2008, ‘Afghan Hearts, Afghan Minds: Exploring Afghan Perceptions of Civil-Military Relations’ Research conducted for the European Network of NGOs in Afghanistan (ENNA) and the British and Irish Agencies Afghanistan Group (BAAG)
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USAID, 2006, ‘Provincial Reconstruction Teams in Afghanistan: An Interagency Assessment, USAID, Washington
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Perito, R. M., 2005, ‘The U.S. Experience with Provincial Reconstruction Teams in Afghanistan: Lessons Identified’, Special Report, no. 152, United States Institute of Peace, Washington
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